Alex Dika Seggerman

Collection in complement to Alex Dika Seggerman's Modernism on the Nile: Art in Egypt Between the Islamic and the ContemporaryThe University of North Carolina Press, 2019.

A woman with a light-colored headscarf and dangling earrings looks out to the left of a sepia portrait photo. She raises her right hand to her chest in an elegant gesture. There is a bangle on her arm.

Fig. 1 Pascal Sebah Photography Studio, Portrait of Princess Nazli, ca. 1890, albumen cabinet card, collection of Barry Iverson, Cairo, Egypt

My book, Modernism on the Nile: Art in Egypt between the Islamic and the Contemporary analyzes the modernist art movement that arose in Cairo and Alexandria from the late-nineteenth century through the 1960s. By incorporating the previously undervalued artists of this understudied region into the modernist canon, I challenge the prevailing understanding that modern art is largely a Euro-American phenomenon. As such, this book serves as post-colonial critique, providing new ways of understanding Egypt’s visual culture, as well as modernism, as a global phenomenon. In what follows, I introduce my reader to the problematic intellectual paradigms of modernism in art history and detail the new approach that I develop in my book for modern Egyptian art. I then analyze a selection of artworks, which are not included in the book, and present how they relate to the overarching themes detailed below. 

The paucity of knowledge about modern art produced outside of Western Europe and America prompted me to take a deep dive into the art history of modern Egypt. Over the last ten years, I have located and evaluated primary sources such as state correspondence, art criticism, and physical artworks, approaching them as part of the global phenomenon of modernism. Admittedly, studying this corpus of visual art has often proved challenging, as Egypt does not have thorough artist archives. The families of the artists analyzed in the book provided essential information and resources. 

Why focus on the Egypt’s modernist art movement? Egypt played a central role in twentieth-century networks of politics, trade, and culture. However, Anglophone scholarship has largely overlooked Egypt’s agency in the creation of modernity. As such, Egypt’s modernist art movement provides a powerful argument for the importance of Muslim networks to global modernism. To be clear, however, I am not suggesting that Egypt is more important to the creation of modernity than any other nation that Eurocentric understandings of global history have similarly ignored. Rather, my book argues that if we take diverse modernist histories more seriously, we will have a richer understanding of the visual cultures of the world we inhabit.  

Several factors came together to make Egypt a particularly vibrant site for the rise of modernism. Due in large part to the Suez Canal, which opened in 1869, Egypt’s twentieth-century economy was robust. This robust economy fostered the institutions and markets that cultivated communities of professional artists in Cairo and Alexandria. Cairo was also a capital of the Nahda, the renaissance movement of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries that positioned art institutions as crucial to society’s progress.1  Moreover, Egypt’s world-famous ancient art and monuments, from the Pyramids of Giza to the magnificent 1922 discovery of the tomb of King Tutankhamun, gave Egypt’s artists a level of recognition abroad that artists from other non-European regions may not have had. As I demonstrate in Chapter 2 of the book in relation to the artist Mahmoud Mukhtar, this association with ancient Egypt impacted artists’ career trajectories and their aesthetics. 

As I lay out in the book’s introduction, Islam was a factor, but not the defining factor, of modernism in Egypt. Often, it is expected that art from a predominantly Muslim country will be primarily concerned with religion, but this is not the case for Egyptian art in this era. Islam played an important, but not central, role in the Egyptian modernist art movement.2 Artists neither rejected nor enshrined religion—it was just one aspect of many in their artistic lives. The majority of the artworks presented in the book are non-religious in purpose, content, and execution. Moreover, the artists that I discuss were not particularly religious and many were avowedly non-religious in their writing and artworks. Although I evaluate these artists’ incorporation of issues related to Islam, religion, or spirituality, as relevant, often they were much more concerned with other social issues, from feminism to the space race, than they were with religion. Islam was only one of the many connections that Egyptian modernist artists acknowledged in their work. 

The history of global modernity is entangled with colonial histories, which continue to inculcate the identities of colonizer and colonized. The existing methodological approaches to non-Euro-American modernist art movements risk perpetuating colonial narratives. Many scholars have rightly challenged the view of modernism as solely Euro-American. However, expanding modernism’s geography does not sufficiently change the scope of modernism or redefine what modernism means. Instead, it risks contributing an additive, alternative story that upholds the paradigm of peripheral modernity. According to this conception of global modernism, non-western actors, such as Egypt, are understood as having a less central role in the creation of modernity than Europe. Moreover, many of these non-western actors, in fact, believed that modernity originated in the West. To challenge the problematic narratives of modernity, perpetuated by both traditional and emergent approaches to modernism, I develop a new paradigm through which I analyze Egyptian modern art. I call this new approach to global modernism “constellational modernism.” 

Constellational modernism more accurately describes the movement and aesthetics of Egyptian artworks than does a vision of a generalized, hyper-connected web of contemporary globalization. My approach builds on yet differs from Jessica Winegar’s ethnography of contemporary Egyptian art and Patrick Kane’s political framework for Egyptian modern art in that my method privileges the artworks and their aesthetics.3 Furthermore, rather than simply reflecting the social or political context of Egypt, I argue that these artworks and this art history are significant for all of global modern art history. Modern Egyptian art and artists circulated in distinct constellations, which encompassed finite local and transnational relations. The artists discussed in my book actively participated in global modernism, and as such were keenly aware of the dominance of European trends on the international art market. They were cognizant both of the competing histories of the French academic style in which most were trained, and of local Egyptian, Arab, and Islamic visual traditions. Their artworks visually map out a constellation of connections to diverse visual sources: embedded in the artworks’ aesthetics, they acknowledge and/or point to these references. The Egyptian sculptor Mahmoud Mukhtar exemplifies how Cairo and Alexandria’s modern artists circulated in distinct constellations. Born in Cairo in 1891, Mukhtar studied classical Greco-Roman sculpture at the École des Beaux-Arts in Paris. Embedded into his sculptures are complex references to his Parisian training, Egyptian origins, and classical forms. 

I dubbed this phenomenon “constellational modernism” because the constellation of connections I map for each artist and in each work is made up of a series of distinct and finite points, resembling the recognizable pattern of a celestial constellation. Constellational modernism also refers to the aesthetic characteristics that these connections make—not simply to the physical locations of movement, but also the way in which these references to diverse visual sources are imaged in the artworks. My hope is that other art historians and cultural theorists apply the concept of constellational modernism to other modernisms, both as a way to rethink the canon of modernism, and also to bring the diverse stories of global modernism into conversation with each other.  

In what follows, I introduce and analyze a selection of artworks connected that are not included in the book, and elaborate on how these works relate to the overarching themes I have outlined above.

  • 1
    The Nahda is a thoroughly documented movement. One of the classic texts on the subject is Albert Habib Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1983). Since its publication in 1983, there have been many more detailed studies on the Nahda, which are addressed more thoroughly in my book.
  • 2
    Following Shahab Ahmed, I conceptualize Islam in late-nineteenth- and twentieth-century Cairo and Alexandria not solely as a religion, but also as a “human and historical phenomenon.” See What Is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016), 5.
  • 3
    Jessica Winegar, Creative Reckonings: The Politics of Art and Culture in Contemporary Egypt (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2006); Patrick Kane, The Politics of Art and Culture in Modern Egypt: Aesthetics, Ideology and Nation-Building , (London: I.B. Tauris, 2013).

Future Publics: The Transnational Origins of Egyptian Modernism

A long-haired woman wears a brimless, rounded hat in a sepia portrait photo. The woman looks out at the viewer with a blank, placid expression..

Fig. 2 Detail of Princess Nazli Double Portrait Photograph, ca. 1880, Papers of the Third Duke of Sutherland, reproduced courtesy of Staffordshire Record Office, Stafford, England

محمد عبده – نازلي فضيل – يعقوب صنوع

In an undated albumen cabinet card of the Cairo- and Istanbul-based Pascal Sébah photography studio, Princess Nazli Fazil of Egypt casually and confidently looks off into the distance. Her shoulders are draped in a luxurious and voluminous dark lace (Fig. 1). Her head is wrapped in a light-colored floral turban, exposing her coiffed bangs. She wears kohl eyeliner, and her eyebrows and lips also appear enhanced by makeup. Her white hand silhouettes against the lace, her fingers grazing where the two edges of the lace meet. Four large rings squeeze her left ring finger, and a double bangle indents the flesh on her left wrist. In this photograph, the princess presents herself as a wealthy woman between cultures—an identity cued for the viewer by the Turkish floral turban and the European lace. 

Born in 1853 in Alexandria and raised in Istanbul, Princess Nazli was a great-granddaughter of the governor and modernizer of Egypt, Muhammad Ali Pasha (1769-1849, r. 1805-1849). She was also the niece of the man who orchestrated the opening of the Suez Canal and built a new downtown Cairo, Khedive Ismaʿil (1830-1895, r. 1863-1879).1  In her early twenties, she married Khalil Sherif Pasha (1831-1879), the Ottoman ambassador to France and famous art collector and commissioner of Gustave Courbet’s Origin of the World. Following her husband’s death and her return to Cairo in the 1880s, Princess Nazli, highly educated and outgoing, befriended leading British diplomats and Egyptian nationalists. For nearly three decades, she hosted a salon in her photography-filled home in Cairo.2 Although often overlooked by history books, Nazli played a catalytic role in burgeoning nationalist movements in Egypt. In my book, I consider a fascinating double portrait of Nazli in which she crosses gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and religious boundaries by dressing as a religious Egyptian man (Fig. 2). The pair of photographs exhibit a burgeoning visual culture that harnessed and toyed with colonial imagery for political ends.

  • 1
    Princess Nazli was widely known by her first name, following contemporary customs of identifying royalty. I refer to her here and in the book with her honorific as “Princess Nazli” due to her royal status.
  • 2
    I searched the archives for evidence of direct connection between Nazli and the founders of the art school and art movement. While there is certainly a high probability of interaction, I was unable to find any direct evidence. It is clear, however, that Sheikh Muhammad ʿAbduh (discussed further in the remainder of this section) was Nazli’s friend and visitor to her salon, though the content of their conversations is still waiting to be discovered.
A woman wearing a suit sits at one of two chairs pulled up to a table. She wears a cap and throws her right arm over the chair's back. A wine bottle and cup sit on the table.

Fig. 3 Photograph of young Egyptian woman dressed in a man’s suit with bottle of wine, ca. 1930, silver gelatin print, collection of Barry Iverson, Cairo, Egypt

In a sepia photo, a tan-skinned woman in a suit sits on a couch and stares out at the viewer. She holds a tall hat close while a cane rests to her side.

Fig. 4 Photograph of young Egyptian woman dressed in a man’s suit, ca. 1930, silver gelatin print, collection of Barry Iverson, Cairo, Egypt

Nazli’s performance for the camera in these two photographs challenges colonial stereotypes, a challenge that forms the origins of the art movement that comprises the book’s remaining four chapters. By dressing up for the camera, she resists being pigeon-holed into a single category, flipping the script on the classic, colonial ethnographic “type.” The developments in photography and printmaking of the late-nineteenth century, as well as the increased presence and circulation of foreign people, ideas, and products in Egypt, led to the establishment of a new visual language for a new Egyptian public. A small series of photographs from a private collection in Cairo illustrate that women were still dressing up for the camera and toying with the different identities in contemporary Egyptian society, fifty years after Nazli (Figs. 3-4). Nazli is an example of a local visual culture producer who incorporated these new visual technologies alongside anti-colonial and nationalist messages to call a new public into being.  

This visual culture was part of the larger phenomenon of the Nahda, the Arabic-language theological, literary, and cultural efflorescence of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. Thinkers who engaged visually with the Nahda embraced, negotiated, and reckoned with the new forms of technology and image-making that were circulating in the Mediterranean, giving rise to a new visual language uniquely tailored to the cultural and political context of Egypt. As such, this chapter includes an in-depth analysis of an essential text for the study of art history in the modern Middle East: Sheikh Muhammad ʿAbduh’s (1849-1905) 1904 article, “Paintings and Statues: Their Benefits and Legality.”1 ʿAbduh was the mufti (chief religious judge) of al-Azhar University. Through a new, thorough translation, of “Paintings and Statues,” I reevaluate ʿAbduh’s article, which is often framed as a fatwa (religious judgement) that reversed Islam’s theological prohibitions of image making. Even though ʿAbduh certainly argues against these prohibitions, the majority of the article is concerned with educational development and cultural preservation. Moreover, it incorporates the same embedded constellational connections of Egyptian modernism writ large. Although his work is not visual, ʿAbduh, like the artists of the larger movement, makes connections with European, Greek, and Arab histories, particularly in his deployment of a famous line of poetry by the Greek poet Simonides of Ceos. These innovations set the stage for the modern arts movement in Egypt. Twentieth-century artists drew upon the public that they engendered, and also adopted the method of constellational modernism that would characterize the next century’s art making. 

  • 1
    Muhammad ʿAbduh, "al-ṣuwar wa al-Tamāthīl wa Fawā'idhā wa Ḥukmihā [Pictures and statues: Their benefits and legality]," in Tārīkh al-Ustādh al-Imām al-Shaykh Muḥammad ʿAbdūh (1266-1323 H=1849-1905 M): Wa-fīhi Tafṣīl Sīratih wa-khulāṣat Sīrat Mūqiẓ al-Sharq wa-ḥakīm al-Islām al-Sayyid Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī , ed. Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā, (Cairo: Dār al-Faḍīlah, 2003), 2:497-502.

Mahmoud Mukhtar: Pedagogical Nationalism

محمود مختار

Between Cairo on one bank and Giza on the other, the Mahmoud Mukhtar Museum sits on Gezira Island in the center of the Nile, located just past Mukhtar’s monumental statue of nationalist hero Saʿd Zaghloul, who delivers an oratory adlocutio gesture to the cars streaming off the Qasr el-Nil Bridge (Fig. 5). On the other side of the boulevard, in the Opera complex, is the Museum of Egyptian Modern Art, the Cairo Opera House, the Palace of Arts, and other buildings dedicated to the visual and performing arts. The purpose-built Mukhtar Museum was designed by modern Egyptian architect Ramses Wissa Wassef (1911-1974) to house Mukhtar’s oeuvre and mausoleum (Fig. 6). This museum holds the largest collection of Mukhtar’s works, but is little-known beyond modern art enthusiasts in Egypt.

A pale one-story museum building lies behind an abstract columnar facade. The smooth-sided building stands among palm trees, and the city skyline rises in the background.

Fig. 6 Mahmoud Mukhtar Museum, Cairo, Egypt, architect: Ramses Wissa Wassef, 1962, photograph by the author, April 2012

Born in the Nile Delta in 1891, Mukhtar moved to Cairo as a young boy, ultimately becoming one of the first graduates of the Egyptian School of Fine Arts, which opened in 1908. The school and its patron, Prince Youssef Kamal, groomed Mukhtar to be a nationalist sculptor; his humble origins became central to his artistic biography. As the son of a fellahin family, Cairo’s burgeoning art world viewed Mukhtar as a representation of the indigenous Egyptians epitomized in the popular motto “Egypt for the Egyptians”— the rallying cry against British occupation, Ottoman elites, and European economic invasions of all sorts. Mukhtar and his supporters harnessed internationally-resonant ancient pharaonic forms to speak to an audience that extended beyond Egypt’s sovereign borders. As I discuss at length in the book, Mukhtar’s most famous work, a monumental public sculpture called Nahdat Misr (Egypt’s Reawakening) blends an agricultural symbol of the stoic female peasant (fellāha ) with a masculine, modernized sphinx, rising to stand (Fig. 7). This sculpture delivers a clear nationalist message to Egyptians and non-Egyptians alike about the national identity of modern Egypt based in agricultural prowess and a glorious ancient civilization.

Mukhtar’s eponymous museum, however, includes smaller sculptures, which lack these forcefully direct nationalist messages. One such work, Rest, has long captivated me (Fig. 8). Like many of his smaller works, this sculpture of an anonymous cloaked woman is devoid of ancient Egyptian references. 

A monumental bronze sculpture consists of a man orating atop a massive double column stand. The man raises his hand and wears a cap. Austere buildings and flags stand in the background.

Fig. 5 Mahmoud Mukhtar, Saad Zaghloul, bronze, installed 1938, Cairo, Egypt, photograph by Abdelrhman Zin Eldin, artwork reproduced courtesy of Dr. Emad Abu Ghazi

A columnar woman in long robes wraps her hand around a sphinx in a large sculpure. The sphinx has oversized paws, a masculine human face, and a pharaonic headdress.

Fig. 7 Mahmoud Mukhtar, Egypt's Reawakening (Nahḍat Miṣr) (detail), pink granite, Giza, Egypt, 1920-1928, photograph by the author, April 2012

Though she nods to the powerful nationalist symbol of the fellāha, she does not hold the vigorous messaging of the monumental Nahdat Misr. Beyond the fine arts, the image of the Egyptian peasant woman long held symbolic status in Egypt’s visual culture as an emblem of the nation-state.1  Here, Mukhtar borrows this nationalist image, but tweaks her symbolism for a fine arts context. In doing so, Mukhtar enacts a constellational modernism. The peasant is certainly Egyptian, but the material and technique are French. After graduating from the Cairo School of Fine Arts, Mukhtar continued his training in the studio of Jules Felix Coutan at the École des Beaux-Arts in Paris, and maintained a studio there throughout his life. All of Mukhtar’s bronze works were cast in Paris since Cairo did not have a bronze foundry. The simplicity of the woman’s body, and the way in which she dissolves into smooth geometric forms in the metal medium evokes avant-garde techniques prevalent at the time. Mukhtar gently marks his engagement with nationalist Egyptian discourse, his Parisian training and materials, and a knowledge of international contemporary trends. Rather than haphazardly mixing styles, Mukhtar’s constellational modernism is an aesthetic approach that carefully pinpoints these references, and asks the viewer to decode them.

This work is a restful, peaceful synthesis of these elements—local Egyptian subject, academic training, and avant-garde leanings. Mukhtar has negotiated between these differing poles and presented us with a moment of respite. The woman sits with one leg hidden under her abaya cloak, while the other serves as a resting place for her weary head (Figs. 9-10). She tucks both hands under her face, and her elongated fingers blur into her raised knee. The cloak covers the woman’s head and back in one slow, smooth, swooping motion. The work is about six inches high and wide, and the curve of her back invites the caress of a hand. The tactility of the medium reinforces its modernity, acknowledging its material form and the relationship of that form to the viewer. 

  • 1
    Beth Baron, Egypt as a Woman: Nationalism, Gender, and Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).
A brown stone sculpture depicts a woman sitting and resting her head on her right knee. Her body disappears beneath her robes. She forms a tight, closed mass.

Fig. 8 Mahmoud Mukhtar, Rest, bronze, ca. 1930, Mahmoud Mukhtar Museum, Cairo, Egypt, photograph by the author, May 2012, reproduced courtesy of Dr. Emad Abu Ghazi

A view of a sculpture captures the triangle formed by the robed legs of a woman as she rests her head on her knee.

Fig. 9 Mahmoud Mukhtar, Rest, bronze, ca. 1930, Mahmoud Mukhtar Museum, Cairo, Egypt, photograph by the author, May 2012, reproduced courtesy of Dr. Emad Abu Ghazi

A woman lies her head on her knee in a shiny brown sculpture. Her body is abstracted beneath her robes, but a single foot peeks out from beneath the sculptured clothes.

Fig. 10 Mahmoud Mukhtar, Rest, bronze, ca. 1930, Mahmoud Mukhtar Museum, Cairo, Egypt, photograph by the author, May 2012, reproduced courtesy of Dr. Emad Abu Ghazi

The sculpture exudes a restfulness and thus distinguishes the new secular nation of Egypt, represented by the fellāha, from its past as a province of the religious Ottoman Empire (1517-1914). Mukhtar self-identified as the “first Egyptian sculptor in 1700 years,” acknowledging both the relative lack of sculpture in the Coptic and Islamic periods, and also the grandeur of ancient Egyptian sculpture, known world-wide, especially after the 1922 discovery of King Tutankhamun’s tomb. Both the Sunni rulers of the Ottoman Empire, as well as the Mamluks before them, commissioned magnificent architecture, but figural sculpture was not a common part of their traditions. The diminutive, tactile Rest is neither conflicted nor contentious about the shift to sculpture; rather, it is gently at peace with this new secular nationalism, expressed through a dominant symbol of Egypt—the fellāha.

Nevertheless, Mukhtar in this sculpture, and in the majority of his artworks, exploits the Egyptian female body as a place to explore the medium of sculpture and express nationalist messages. Mukhtar’s ultimate pedagogical effort to educate the Egyptian populace about art and nationalism was well-intentioned. Nonetheless, his manipulation and anonymization of the female body represents the marginalization of female voices in the early history of modern Egyptian art, as well as in modernism globally. Instead of thinking, speaking individuals, Mukhtar’s women are solely corporeal. The female artists discussed in Chapter 5, such as Inji Efflatoun and Gazbia Sirry, were deeply intrenched in the Egyptian feminist movement, which, since the turn of the century, had advocated for women’s rights, health, and education, and expressed that engagement in their art through a rejection of the female anonymity of earlier artists like Mukhtar. The next artist I discuss in the book, Mahmoud Said, also depicted female Egyptian bodies, but in an even more sexualized and problematic fashion. Both Mukhtar and Said have been framed as heroic nationalist artists, but their position as marginalized artists in the Euro-American canon did not prevent them from marginalizing other voices within Egypt.

Lawyerly Luxury of Easel Painting: Mahmoud Said

محمود سعيد

While Mahmoud Said belonged to the same generation as Mukhtar, his Alexandrian origin set him apart from Cairo’s professional artists (Fig. 11). Born in 1897 to a wealthy, land-owning family, Said painted for leisure, not as a profession. His father, Muhammad Said Pasha, was briefly Egypt’s Prime Minister in the 1910s. After a short stint at the Académie Julian in Paris, a private art school, Said pursued a career in law, working at Alexandria’s Tribinuax Mixtes (Mixed Courts), an innovative court of international law established in the late-nineteenth century to adjudicate contracts between the multi-national residents of the city. This legal framework, which supported joint enterprises between citizens of different nations, contributed to the city’s flourishing economy. Although many nationalist art historians and critics virtually ignore Said’s law career, my book tackles how his engagement with an elite, cosmopolitan network impacted his art. 

A tan-skinned man in a gray coat holds a painter's palette and brushes in a self-portrait. Loose brushstrokes depict the man's black hair and dark eyes, which stare out at the viewer.

Fig. 11 Mahmoud Said, Self-Portrait, 1919, oil on canvas, Mahmoud Said Museum, Alexandria, Egypt, photograph by Stephen Poellot and the author, artwork reproduced courtesy of Samiha Lamerson and Saad Elkhadem

Unlike Mukhtar’s relatively small oeuvre, limited by his premature death at the age of 43, Said’s paintings stretch from his adolescence, which he spent studying in local Alexandrian artists’ studios in the late 1910s, through to his extended retirement and up until his death in 1964. Said’s subject matter evokes aspects of his elite lifestyle: elegant portraits of Alexandrian aristocracy, verdant Lebanese landscapes, picturesque felucca sailboats in Aswan, still lifes, and many nudes (Figs. 12-13). Said attempted to distinguish his and his class’s “whiteness,” which was associated with an upper-class Mediterranean modern culture, from the darker-skinned lower classes of Egypt; his nude portraits, for example, depict lower class women with darker skin than Said and other members of his elite community. The powerful fecundity Said depicted in the bodies of these lower-class women betrays the upper-class’s fear of the indigenous masses, who threatened their wealth and power. 

Like his nude portraits, Said’s handful of artworks that directly address religious practice also reveal uneasiness towards lower classes. Said’s 1934 Prayer depicts a religious scene, probably the ʿasr (afternoon) prayer (Fig. 14). 

A tan-skinned woman wears a black one piece swimsuit in a painted seascape. She closes her eyes and places one hand on her hip while standing in the water. Another woman in a suit frolicks in the waters behind her among other playing figures.

Fig. 12 Mahmoud Said, Women Swimming, 1932, oil on canvas, Mahmoud Said Museum, Alexandria, Egypt, photograph by Stephen Poellot and the author, artwork reproduced courtesy of Samiha Lamerson and Saad Elkhadem

A portrait painting depicts a dark-skinned woman with cropped black hair sitting in profile. Her eyes are lined thickly and her lips painted red. A golden yellow backdrop includes sailboats.

Fig. 13 Mahmoud Said, Bedya, 1939, oil on canvas, Mahmoud Said Museum, Alexandria, Egypt, photograph by Stephen Poellot and the author, artwork reproduced courtesy of Samiha Lamerson and Saad Elkhadem

Said indicates the space is an Egyptian mosque through the inclusion of local craft objects: three traditional glass mosque lamps and one stained glass window. Light streams in from the western edge of the painting, casting long shadows. The congregants face towards Mecca. Three rows of men in traditional galabia cloaks and turbans bend forward in rukuʿ (bowing), one of the physical movements in Muslim prayer. They stand in a colonnaded space, reminiscent of the arcades of the ʿAmr ibn al-ʿAs and Ibn Tulun mosques in Cairo, though Said omits the wooden beams that reinforce those mosques’ arches. The rows of men, which extend back into space, mimic the structure of the pointed arches and columns. As is the case in many of Said’s works, the interior architecture of the room here mirrors the bodies’ shapes; the curves of the men’s backs echo the curves of the arches, almost as if the building too were bowing to God.

The painting references actual spaces and details of Muslim religious practice, like the men’s posture in rukuʿ and the specificity of the ʿasr prayer. Yet, this is neither a devotional image, nor a respectful representation of the prayer. The faceless men are as decorative as the mosque’s architecture. They are a long row of traditional robes on view for admiration. The man at the center of the composition appears elderly; he has hunched shoulders and is unable to fully bend like the others. The old man’s yellow cloak again parallels the architecture, reinforcing the building’s antiquated status and suggesting the rituals portrayed are also something of the past. In Prayer, Said frames religion as a pleasant, decorative aspect of Egyptian culture. He focuses almost exclusively on the formal characteristics of the image: the curves of the robes and arches, the shadows cast by afternoon light, and the variety of colors in the highlights and shadows. As in most of his paintings, he layers the oil paint in thick and chunky passages, creating a textured surface, especially when representing the textiles of the men’s cloaks. Said’s focus on the formal qualities of the scene distances the viewer from the depicted space. The viewer stands before a modernist painting, far from being an active participant in devotional prayer. 

In a hazy painting, robed figures kneel in rows within a dimly lit space. The interior includes repeating arches and hanging blue lamps.

Fig. 14 Mahmoud Said, Prayer, 1934, oil on canvas, Mahmoud Said Museum, Alexandria, Egypt, photograph by Stephen Poellot and the author, artwork reproduced courtesy of Samiha Lamerson and Saad Elkhadem

A painting depicts an expansive mosque interior with pattered red and white arches and hanging lamps. Figures wearing lush colorful robes assemble inside.

Fig. 15 Jean-Léon Gérôme, Prayer in the Mosque, 1871, oil on canvas, Metropolitan Museum of Art, public domain.

The feeling of distance Said creates between viewer and subject, aligns Said with the Orientalist painters. Prayer’s closest corollary is Jean-Léon Gérôme’s 1871 Prayer in the Mosque, currently in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Fig. 15). Even though Said’s and Gérôme’s works differ substantially in their style—Gérôme’s canvas is highly illusionistic Orientalist academicism and Said’s leans towards Fauvism with its saturated colors and crusty oil paint—both artworks take a more decorative than pious approach to Muslim religious observance. While Said accurately depicts the specifics of Muslim prayer, such as the postures and time of day, he barely acknowledges the individual identities and thus humanity of the worshippers. Said uses their faceless bodies as a surface upon which to explore color, line, and form. When one compares the faceless men of Prayer with Said’s detailed portraits of his elite community, it is clear that he intentionally obscured the worshippers’ identity. From Said’s work, we see that, although modern art in Egypt intersected with Islam, Said, a secular, lighter-skinned Mediterranean man, understood himself to possess the power, education, and wealth necessary to create a picturesque image of lower-class men in an old mosque. Prayer has much in common with the way in which Said depicted lower-class women in the nude; the nude women and the praying men appear as objects of pleasurable consumption yet also as images against which to form an elite identity. Said frames the practice of ritualized prayer as an antiquated foil to the elite Mediterranean community to which he belonged. His quasi-Orientalist depiction of Muslim religious practice reflects his alignment with the semi-colonial state that contributed to his family’s wealth. Despite the clear shift in aims and perspective, Said’s constellational modernism pinpoints references to local Islamic architecture, Orientalist painting, his French training, and knowledge of avant-garde art movements. Unlike Mukhtar’s informative and educational constellational approach, Said’s constellational modernism tracks his desire to establish his identity as a wealthy, cultured, and white Mediterranean man. Nevertheless, both artists enact similar processes of incorporating these references into the aesthetics of their art, forcing their viewer to untangle them. The next generation of artists reacted against the colonial, Mediterranean elitism that pervaded Mukhtar’s and Said’s work, and searched for a more accessible form of artmaking. 

The Beauty of Uncertainty: Abdel Hadi el-Gazzar and the "Return" of Religion in Art

عبد الهادي الجزار

World War II and its aftermath shaped the circulation of art and artists in the 1950s. Shifts in the movement of people and images, through air travel, film, and television, alongside the deterioration of French and British colonial power throughout the region, produced a new set of political and cultural connections for artists of the 1950s. Most significantly for Egyptian artists was the change of governance from British occupation and local monarchy to Gamal Abdel Nasser’s Arab Socialism after the Free Officers Revolution in 1952. The transformation from colonial monarchy to post-colonial nation-state overhauled the purpose, style, circulation, and meaning of art in Egypt.  

A sketch uses loose gestural strokes to capture a robed man sitting on a bench.

Fig. 16 Abdel Hadi el-Gazzar, Man from the Popular Quarters, ca. 1940s, pencil on paper, Collection of Laila Effat, Cairo, Egypt, reproduced courtesy of Laila Effat

A fleshy naked woman is surrounded by surreal abstract forms. Her sketched body is rounded, her breasts exposed, and her eyes covered by thick bangs.

Fig. 17 Abdel Hadi el-Gazzar, From the Primal Stage, ca. 1948, ink on paper, Collection of Laila Effat, Cairo, Egypt, reproduced courtesy of Laila Effat

Painter Abdel Hadi el-Gazzar (1925-1966) drew inspiration from Art et Liberté (Art and Freedom), an Egyptian surrealist group that was active from the late 1930s through the mid 1940s. Though trained in an academic style at the Egyptian School of Fine Arts, which since Mukhtar’s time had evolved from a secondary school to a college, Gazzar was a member of the Contemporary Art Group, a group which renounced this training in order to discover more “truth” in their art. They experimented with surrealist processes and aesthetics, taking inspiration from dreams and engaging in chance drawings. Gazzar’s drawings from the late 1940s attest to both his art school training and these early experimentations. With his art classes, he had visited the “popular quarters” of Cairo where the lower classes wore turbans, veils, galabias, and abayas and often led a more religiously observant lifestyle among the many medieval mosques of Cairo (Fig. 16). Like nineteenth-century Orientalist artists from Europe before them, Gazzar and his art school classmates sketched these scenes. Inspired by surrealist practice, however, Gazzar also produced many drawings, which he dubbed “from the primal stage” (Fig. 17). These monochrome drawings depict naked writhing bodies in undulating landscapes, like some imagined original man before the rise of civilization.  

As discussed at length in the book, Gazzar united these “primal” images with the religious qualities of the popular quarters into a unified style, which critics of his time called “popular myths.” In these paintings, Gazzar employed primitivism to forge a style of painting intended to be accessible to more than just the educated elite.1  By returning to the imagery of Cairo’s religious lower classes, Gazzar expressed anti-colonial sentiments and rejected elitist French academic styles, aligning himself with an international, leftist avant-garde that espoused socialist and communist commitments. These works reveal the constellational aesthetic in which Gazzar blends local mystical references, like the mystical Qurʾanic figure of al-khidr (literally, the green one) in his famous, The Green Man, with Surrealist-inspired approaches and saturated, blended colors reminiscent of the French Post-Impressionist Pierre Bonnard. Unlike Said’s distanced representation of lower-class piety, Gazzar embedded himself in these communities, drawing inspiration from local festivals, such as Mawlid, a celebration of the prophet Mohammad’s birthday.  

  • 1
    Ṣubḥī Shārūnī, ʻAbd Al-Hādī al-Jazzār: Fannān al-Asāṭīr Wa-ʻālam al-Faḍāʾ (Cairo: al-Dār al-Qawmīyah lil-Ṭibāʻah wa-al-Nashr, 1966).
Scales cover a large crocodile and are drawn rising as mountainous points on its back. He crawls across a sparsely sketched out landscape.

Fig. 18 Abdel Hadi el-Gazzar, Crocodile, ca. 1963, ink on paper, Collection of Laila Effat, Cairo, Egypt, reproduced courtesy of Laila Effat

While inspired by the techniques and universalist aims of surrealism in Egypt, Gazzar’s early work is embedded within a complex post-WWII dynamic, which called for a more accessible art. Even after he stopped including explicit religious references in his work, Gazzar continued to engage with mysticism. After a four-year stint in Rome, studying at the Central Restoration Institute, Gazzar returned to Cairo with his wife and daughters and took a job at the Kullīyat al-Funūn al-Jamīla (College of Fine Arts). Between his return to Cairo and his death in 1966, he executed many ink drawings on paper, such as his 1963 drawing of a crocodile. Unlike the messy, primitivist style of his “primal stage” drawings or “popular mythologies” sketches of the late 1940s and early 1950s, these later drawings are crisper and more methodical. Despite the clear shift in aesthetic approaches, Gazzar maintains a constellational modernism by incorporating a nod to his scientific coursework at the Restoration Institute. Crocodile depicts the animal in a barren landscape, appearing gigantic in juxtaposition to a small, leafless tree (Fig. 18). The cross-hatching of the craggy rocks vibrates across the small page. These lines increase ten-fold in intensity in the body of the reptile, culminating in jagged points across its back. The viewer’s own eye gets lost in the swirling black lines of the crocodile’s body. In these lines, the work ceases to depict the crocodile and the marks take on a life of their own. While it is hard to say if this is a fully finished artwork or an elaborate doodle, it illustrates Gazzar’s interest in enchanting his viewer, producing awe and wonder through his work. His focus on enchantments persisted from his “primal stage” drawings, to his works that referenced mystical Islamic stories, such as the Story of Zulaikha (Fig. 19), to the magical, mechanical drawings of creatures in the early 1960s, such as Crocodile. Gazzar continued the constellational modernism of his forerunners, visualizing connections to local mystical practices, as well as abstraction, surrealism, and the space race. Unlike Said’s cursory, exploitative imagery of religious practices, Gazzar engaged conceptually with issues of spirituality. 

Faded red stickers are affixed to the back of a tan canvas. They include numbers and text such as, "Biennale Internazionale des Beaux Art."

Fig. 19 Stickers showing from exhibition in the 1956 Venice Biennial on the reverse of Abdel Hadi el-Gazzar, Story of Zuliakha, ca. 1948, ink on paper, private collection, Cairo, Egypt

Potent Flows: The Fellaha and Water Jug

إنجي أفلاطون – جاذبية سري

The first four chapters of my book discuss how artists engaged in a constellational modernism by referencing key points of intersection through an aesthetic that prompted the viewer to discover those connections through analysis. However, the fifth chapter takes a different approach; it focuses on the icon of the fellāha and balās jug. In charting this image’s circulation between different media and locales, it reveals the deep, longstanding histories of modernist constellational routes, stretching back to the eighteenth century.

A black and white film still looks up at two women with handled jugs on their heads. The women wear dark tunics cinched at the waist, and they talk to each other while balancing the vessels..

Fig. 20 Film still from Nightingale’s Prayer, directed by Henri Barakat, 1959

A black and white film still looks up at two women with handled jugs on their heads. The women wear dark tunics cinched at the waist, and they talk to each other while balancing the vessels..

Fig. 21 Film still from Nightingale’s Prayer, directed by Henri Barakat, 1959

A drawing depicts a dark-skinned female figure in loose, flowing robes as she carries three jugs. One round, handled jug balances on her head while she holds a slender vessel in each palm. Her face is covered with a dark cloth but her eyes peek through.

Fig. 22 J. Clark after Thomas Legh, "An Egyptian Woman carrying Water from the Nile" from Narrative of a Journey in Egypt, 1817, aquatint, Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection, reproduced courtesy of the Yale Center for British Art

A tan-skinned woman with a colorful headscarf holds a child on her lap. She cradles the child close with oversized hands. Their dresses are colorfully patterned and their expressions peaceful.

Fig. 23 Gazbia Sirry, Motherhood, 1952, oil on canvas, Museum of Modern Egyptian Art, Cairo, Egypt, photograph by the author

The 1959 film The Nightingale’s Prayer is set at the turn of the century and tells the story of Amna, a young woman from an Egyptian village along the Nile. Based on a 1934 novel by cultural theorist Taha Hussein and directed by Henri Barakat, the film stars Fatenn Hamama, a leading actress of Egypt’s golden age of cinema. In one of the film’s first scenes, Amna and her ill-fated sister, Hanadi, carry water from the Nile in balās water jugs (Fig. 20). As I demonstrate in Chapter 5 of the book, these balās evoke idealized visions of peasant womanhood. In the film, shot in black and white and on location, the bright sun creates a stark contrast between the actresses’ black abaya cloaks and the lighter-colored hill they climb (Fig. 21). As they pass a young man on their walk, Amna teases Hanadi for flirting with him. This brief moment is the only time we see the sisters before their family is struck by tragedy. The balās water jugs and gentle flirtations indicate their idyllic life and hopeful marriage prospects. Amna’s life and family are subsequently torn apart due to patriarchal exploitation of women’s sexuality, both in the village and in the city where they soon head to work. We never see the jugs again. 

By the twentieth century, the image of the fellāha (peasant woman) and balās (water jug) was ubiquitous in Egypt’s visual culture. The Egyptian pairing of fellāha with balās has its roots in printed western European travel literature (Fig. 22). Images of female water carriers stretch back millennia and are commonly found in ancient Mediterranean iconography.1 However, the specificity of the fellāha and balās as metonymic of larger ideals of colonialism, national, feminism, and social progress is unique to the modernist period under consideration. In the book, I argue that the reason for the icon’s increased potency is the link between the jug and the contested and powerful waterways of Egypt—the Nile, the Suez Canal, the Mahmudiyya Canal, and the Mediterranean coast. Echoed in the sublime and taboo power of the rounded jugs’ resonance with a pregnant belly or milk-laden breast, the confluence of femininity and powerful flows embedded increased symbolism in the image and led to its continued use in the century’s visual culture. The transformation and continuity of the fellāha/balās trope showcases the transnational nature of visual culture in Egypt. The image highlights how popular iconographic subjects circulated through technologies like photography, lithography, and, later, film and television, maintaining porous boundaries with painting and sculpture. 

By the 1950s, these images gave way to a rising group of Egyptian women artists. In the book, I analyze the work of Gazbia Sirry (b. 1925) and Inji Efflatoun (1924-1989). Rejecting the anonymized, symbolic woman depicted by Mukhtar and Said, Sirry and Efflatoun painted working women from various classes and backgrounds. In Motherhood, Sirry depicts a woman with a child on her lap (Fig. 23). Her hands are crossed so intensely to hold the child that the contours of her hands overlap and intersect. The two figures echo the fellāha and the balās, though here there is a child instead of a jug. Sirry employs bold colors in contrasting patterns across the bodies of the mother and child, foregoing modeling to flatten the fabrics of their clothing. Yet, here the fellāha/balās icon takes on yet another level of meaning. As both painter and subject are women, the pair is replicated both inside and outside the painting: Sirry’s liquid labor is her oil paint. The fellāha/balās pair thus becomes a point within the constellation of Sirry’s modernism, referencing the long history of images of Egyptian peasants, the implicit maternity in those images, the new Arab socialist state, and her knowledge of global artistic trends. The artist leaves the viewer with a visual map of those connections, and the deeper we dig, the more complicated, and compelling, those connections become. 

Conclusion

Mural and graffiti cover the walls of a squat city building. It includes a portrait of a tan-skinned man with dark hair and wide searching eyes. Another wall depicts a series of portraits of stern, older tan-skinned men.

Fig. 24 Political graffiti on the exterior walls of the American University in Cairo, corner of Mohammed Mahmoud Street and Tahrir Square, photograph by the author, August 2012

In this essay, I provide a brief overview of Modernism on the Nile’s theory of constellational modernism, alongside an expanded collection of images. This is just a small fragment of what is discussed in the book. I encourage any curious reader to continue on to the print version, where I expand on broader social, historical, and religious contexts.

Over the long arc of Egyptian modernism, Egyptian artwork exhibited a consistency, which I call “constellational modernism.” Constellational connotes that the artworks pinpointed a series of transnational and trans-historical connections that their makers and audiences traversed in order to produce the work. Unlike the connotations of infinite interconnectedness of the “global” or the governmentally-approved routes of the “transnational,” these constellational connections are specific and finite, and often flout state-sponsored limitations. Moreover, these connections are not simply in the biographies of the artists or in the artworks’ exhibition histories; rather, they are visualized in the artworks themselves, through both form and content. Constellation thus refers both to the type of interconnectedness, and also where it is discovered: within the artworks. 

Constellational modernism is both an aesthetic and a conceptual approach maintained through stylistic changes. The artworks presented in this essay showcase this trend across media and technique. I began with a discussion of nineteenth-century producers of visual culture, like Princess Nazli, who innovated a new visual language for a new Egyptian public that included local and international voices. I then turned to nationalist sculptor Mahmoud Mukhtar, who deployed a constellational approach to define the new nation of Egypt to the world and to educate a rising class of Egyptians about the power of art in political struggle. In the following section, I address how Mahmoud Said, from the coastal city of Alexandria, used the technique to assert an elite, Mediterranean identity through oversaturated colors in oil paint on canvas. After World War II, Abdel Hadi el-Gazzar was concerned more with art’s accessibility to the broader public. As such, Gazzar’s constellational method includes more references to mysticism and local religious practice, despite shifting in the 1960s from post-surrealist techniques to futuristic ink drawings. The final section of this essay examined the enduring symbolism of the image of the fellāha and her water jug, arguing that the fertility of the peasant woman’s laboring body represented an enduring anxiety around Egypt’s powerful waterways. The fellāha/balās icon does not necessarily showcase the aesthetic of constellational modernism per se. Rather, it is a poignant example of how an icon ricocheted through three centuries of constellational visual networks, marking the pathways that twentieth century artists would employ. These artists’ constellational modernism unites the long history of art and visual culture in Egypt, and provides a model for analyzing modernisms globally. 

The fieldwork that supported this book took place mainly in 2011-2012, commencing just before the January 25th uprising in Tahrir Square through to Mohammed Morsi’s presidential victory in the summer of 2012. During these eighteen months, Egyptian protestors often occupied the streets of downtown Cairo. While contemporary art and street art were not the focus of my project, I recognized that Cairo’s graffiti was an extension and a culmination of this constellational approach (Figs. 24-25). The artists were, again, highly cognizant of their multi-national audiences, cannily playing to the local and the global. Instead of Parisian bronze cast sculptures, the medium was derived from American hip-hop culture’s history of transgressive graffiti, blended with local political content and Egyptian art histories, ranging from the pharaonic to the Islamic.

A colorful mural depicts a series of portraits on a building's horizontal wall. One large portrait depicts a man in a black robe holding up an inscribed card. Large black lettering is overlaid atop the figures.

Fig. 25 Political graffiti on the exterior walls of the American University in Cairo, corner of Mohammed Mahmoud Street, photograph by the author, August 2012

The instantaneous dispersal of these ephemeral works through social media and the internet marks a new stage in viewer engagement with and access to visual material. Twentieth-first-century artworks cannot afford to be finite in the way that modernist artworks were. Systems of distribution now radiate farther; the online image world is more saturated every day. We have access to so many more images and ways of viewing and consuming them. The immensity of our options prevents stability. Today, images often gain prominence through virality rather than through institutionalization. In the end, I hope that the theory of constellational modernism, presented as a unifying feature of Egyptian modernism, can open up other modernisms and establish connections for more comparative approaches. These visualizations of interconnectedness, manifested in Egyptian modernism, offer a prescient precursor to today’s world.

About the Author

Alex Dika Seggerman is Assistant Professor of Islamic Art History at Rutgers. Seggerman received her Ph.D. from Yale University in the History of Art in 2014. Seggerman’s scholarship investigates the intersection of Islam and modernism in art history. This includes archival research on modern Middle Eastern art movements, as well as an examination of how Islamic art history is a product of the modern era. Moreover, her research contributes to the growing field of global modernisms, diversifying narratives of twentieth-century art. Seggerman's first book, Modernism on the Nile: Art in Egypt between the Islamic and the Contemporary, traces the arc of Egyptian modernism in art, arguing that artists confronted and visualized the transnational context of their circulation.

 

Notes

    Imprint

    Author Alex Dika Seggerman
    Year 2019
    Volume Volume 3: Issue 1
    Copyright © Alex Dika Seggerman
    Downloads PDF
    DOI

    10.22332/mav.coll.2019.1

    Citation Guide

    1. Alex Dika Seggerman, "Modern Art in Egypt and Constellational Modernism: A New Approach to Global Modern Art," Essay, MAVCOR Journal 3, no. 1 (2020), 10.22332/mav.coll.2019.1.

    Seggerman, Alex Dika. "Modern Art in Egypt and Constellational Modernism: A New Approach to Global Modern Art." Essay. MAVCOR Journal 3, no. 1 (2020). 10.22332/mav.coll.2019.1

    Lloyd Barba

    In an era of deep soul searching, many have taken it upon themselves to right our nation’s commemorative record by removing public monuments that honor Confederate generals. Among the most notable critics of these recent undertakings is President Trump, calling these material markers (of the likes of Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson) “beautiful” and accusing the iconoclasts of ripping apart “the history and culture of our great country.”1 All the while, at a time when local and state municipalities are deciding on the fate of controversial statues, Trump has relentlessly pushed for a “monument” that could not be torn down or simply relocated: the wall.2

    Civil Religion

    The rhetoric and rituals surrounding the wall suggest that the President is proposing the wall as a monument in honor of a particular kind of “civil religion.” Trump speaks from the nation’s most powerful platform, according him a measure of influence that others do not possess. Because of this, he receives massive support and his policies, once passed, are those of the nation, though they might not reflect the sentiments of many people. The wall itself is designed, quite literally, to divide people; nobody contests this point. Given the divisive nature of his form of nationalism, his throngs of “court evangelicals,” variegated rituals buttressing his rhetoric, and his presidential power to materialize his beliefs, those who oppose Trump may very well label his brand of civil religion as uncivil religion.1  His wall brings into sharp relief the contested nature of monuments that use division as a marker of national unity.

    The term “civil religion” came into popular use in the late-twentieth century, courtesy of sociologist Robert Bellah’s 1967 groundbreaking essay “Civil Religion in America.”2  Bellah’s deft deployment of the term to describe the beliefs, symbols, and rituals of the U.S.’s public quasi-religion helps us make sense of the veneration of certain people (Washington and Lincoln) and places (Arlington National Cemetery). Rituals (the recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance at the start of school and games) and music (the national anthem) undergird the gravity of this American civil religion and in effect deify heroes and sacralize places.

    The concept sparked debates for the next half century over the limits and possibility of its application. Some scholars have opted for more nuanced terms such as “religious nationalism,” “American civic imaginaries,” “American legitimating myths,” or, the more regionally attuned “Southern civil religion.”3  The impact of the term is hard to overstate considering that Bellah’s article “ranks as one of the most influential essays in the whole study of Religion” with very few other concepts having accomplished a “quicker transition from the nation’s scholarly journals to its op-ed pages.”4 The sheer number of attempts to work with, against, and despite the term, establishes that there is no consensus on the term. Bellah himself, by the early 1990s, had grown frustrated by the debate and exceptions “bogging down into arguments over definition that the substance was being overlooked.”5  But the lack of any single universal definition (a futile attempt in my own opinion), should not discourage us from using the term to describe something loosely and nationally recognizable and the religious dynamics that Bellah first observed in a decade of tumultuous societal changes. His basic idea, namely that there exists a form of civil religion that is imbued with transcendent values, has proven helpful in examining how we view the discourses of American religion, politics, and public life.

    The debates regarding civil religion have also prompted scholars to consider the kinds of civil religion, especially with respect to politics. To be sure, Bellah, writing his original article in the thick of the Civil Rights Movement, noted that civil religion “has not always been invoked in favor of worthy causes” and offered the religiosity of the radical right in that era as an example. Politics at play influenced the core of the critiques and kinds of civil religion, leading historian Amanda Porterfield to point out the “inevitably partisan nature of civil religion.”6  Sociologist Robert Wuthnow in 1988 identified “deeply divided” forms of American civil religion that ranged from “liberal” to “conservative” which “seem to have very little of substance in common.”7  More recently, sociologist Philip Gorski imagines the debate about the place of “civil religion” in U.S. society more on a spectrum in which neither group on each end (Radical Secularism on the left and Religious Nationalism on the right) does justice to the term “civil religion” or acts in the best interest of a “prophetic republicanism.”8  None of these formulations of the kinds of civil religion necessarily result in the exclusions of multiple kinds of civil religions existing at the same time and same place. Historian Arthur Remillard argues that “civil religious diversity” existed in a place as racially and religious repressive as the Wire Grass Gulf South in the Post-Reconstruction Era where a white protestant version of civil religion dominated over ones articulated by African-American Protestants and Euro-American Catholics and Jews.9 Regardless of the kind, a dominant form of civil religion bears material consequences. Trump’s proposed wall would be among the most material yet.

    • 1
      John Fea developed the notion of “court Evangelicals” in chapter 4 of John Fea, Believe Me: The Evangelical Road to Donald Trump (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2018). Given the divisive nature of Trump’s brand of civil religion, I hereafter prefer to use the term (un)civil religion, so as to allow for multiple readings of the term.
    • 2
      Robert N. Bellah, “Civil Religion in America,” Daedalus 96, no. 1 (Winter 1967): 1-21.
    • 3
      Catherine Albanese, America: Religions and Religion, 5th ed. (Boston, MA: Wadsworth, 2013), 284-289; Richard Amesbury, “Religion and the Civic Imagination” The Immanent Frame, March 5, 2010, http://hdl.handle.net/10079/af7ab98b-4bbe-40c9-a83c-27c5fffa2024 ; Phillip E. Hammond, Amanda Porterfield, James G. Mosley, and Jonathan D. Sarna, “Forum: American Civil Religion Revisited,” Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 4, no. 1 (Winter, 1994): 1-6; Charles Reagan Wilson, Baptized in Blood, 2nd ed. (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2009).
    • 4
      Hammond et al., “Forum,” 21; N. J. Demerath III and Ryhs H. Williams, “Civil Religion in an Uncivil Society,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 480, (July 1985): 155.
    • 5
      Robert Bellah, The Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in Time of Trial, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), ix.
    • 6
      Hammond et. al., “Forum,” 21.
    • 7
      Robert Wuthnow, The Restructuring of American Religion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 144-146.
    • 8
      Philip Gorski, American Covenant: A History of Civil Religion from the Puritans to the Present (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017).
    • 9
      Arthur Remillard, Southern Civil Religions (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2011).

    Trump’s Brand of Civil Religion

    But how exactly does Trump espouse a civil religion? To answer this, I propose that, like many have done over the past half century, we return to Bellah. But instead of arriving in 1967, we land in 1987 to recover and reimagine the term he coined with Frederick Greenspahn, “uncivil religion,” as something more than interreligious hostility.1  If civil religion is meant to unite the nation, uncivil religion accomplishes the contrary. Unlike civil religion which is supposed to be above the government and always able to critique its missteps, uncivil religion offers its reigns to divisive discourses. Impact matters here more than intention. I am not suggesting that any gesture of civil religion ever goes without opposition; but the sheer number of religious and human rights groups that have decried the building of Trump’s wall, indeed suggest that he deploys something peculiar that is more of an instrument of divisions than of unity.

    How is his wall a monument to this form of (un)civil religion?

    • 1
      Robert N. Bellah and Frederick E. Greenspahn, eds., Uncivil Religion: Interreligious Hostility in America (New York: Crossroad, 1987).

    The Size and Scale of Monuments

    The long-term domination of any one civil religion results in an alteration of landscape through monument making. Monuments are never made merely to commemorate; they are built to display power. First, to return to the imagery of monuments in the post-bellum South, a place and time in which defeated Confederates would fuse the power of history and religion to “form a story of the use of the past as the basis of a Southern religious-moral identity.”1  Shapers of the southern civil religion (in large part the United Daughters of the Confederacy) turned to monument making as a way to cement the legacy of the Lost Cause. Historian Charles Regan Wilson argued that the period from 1890 to 1920 marked the “South’s monument-making obsession.”2  A 2016 study by the Southern Poverty Law Center on Confederate symbols demonstrates that the first and larger wave swelled from 1895-1920, an era marked by the U.S. Supreme Court decision on Plessey v Ferguson, the crafting and enacting of Jim Crow laws, and resurgence of the second KKK. Thirty-five years after the end of the Civil War, the Lost Cause had been firmly rooted in the minds of white southerners, and as older veterans of the Confederate Army began to pass away, Lost Cause believers ensured that the perceived heroism of veterans would not slip away too. The second, but comparatively much smaller wave of monument dedication, transpired from 1950 to the 1960s as the Civil Rights movements made headway in de-segregating the South and as the first century since the Civil War had passed. Studies today have identified at least 718 monuments in the U.S., 95% of which are in Southern states.3  Monuments are not mere reminders as much as they are shapers of interpretation and ideology. In these ways they monumentally change how landscape is beheld, and, in the case of the Lost Cause, sacralized.

    Size matters. The physical dimensions of any monument speak to intent of ideological shaping. Larger than life busts and statues, for example, exude leadership, dominance, and a sense of permanency. Since its inception, Stone Mountain, the largest of all Confederate memorials and the largest relief sculpture in the world, received a host of support from numerous private and public coffers to erect a monument unlike any other in terms of size and historical interpretation. At the dedication of Stone Mountain, the KKK held initiation ceremonies, kickstarting a long trajectory of white supremacy as the ideological bedrock etched onto the granite stone. Early supporters and original architect Gutzon Borglum openly discussed the possibility of including Klansmen into the monument alongside the Confederate Generals. After nearly four decades of no work on the memorial, the project resumed in 1964 at the behest of the state of Georgia’s neo-Confederates that lashed out against the Civil Rights movement.4  Memorials such as Stone Mountain or even Borglum’s later project Mount Rushmore offer fine examples of how the natural landscaped can be physically altered into objects that connote power and dominance of one people group over another, be they in the segregated South or the Black Hills of North Dakota. (Lest we think that the wars over monument size don’t matter, bear in mind the long ongoing carving out of the Crazy Horse monument, set to tower nearby Mount Rushmore and speak back to the Rushmore’s encroachment onto Native land).5  While carving into existing stone can certainly be a project of racist and settler colonialist ideology, moving millions of tons of steel and dirt from a quarry (or mountain) to build a wall is another display of power, a show of power that Trump initially estimated to be easily achieved under his control. When asked by a reporter in 2015 how he would build a 1,900-mile wall, Trump glibly remarked, “Very easy. I’m a builder. That’s easy. I build buildings that are—can I tell you what’s more complicated? What’s more complicated is building a building that’s 95 stories tall. O.K.?”6

    With the completion of the wall, Trump will be joining a list of presidents who undertook massive, landscape altering, construction projects. But the wall is in a category of its own. First, as variously proposed, the wall will be Trump’s greatest physical marker in terms of size, volume, weight, length, etc. Hoover has his Dam and Eisenhower his Interstate System, but as a material object, Trump’s wall (in its various proposed iterations) would rival these massive alterations to the physical landscape. The fervency with which Trump has pursued his monument surpasses the other concrete behemoths. While Clinton started building thirteen miles of the wall and Bush later erected over 600 miles of more walls, neither of the two made the wall a hallmark of his presidential campaign or fixated on it as Trump has and will continue to do. As one of the largest building projects to enjoy such steadfast Presidential support, the wall has figured as a synecdoche for Trump himself, a material and discursive monument of what his presidency stands for.

    A row of tall panels are spaced out across a section of arid land. The panels are made of different materials but all the same shape and size. Construction vehicles and paraphernalia surround the panels.

    As of late July 2019, funding for 336 miles of wall has been secured in large part due to Trump’s declaration of a state of emergency. Most of the wall will, in fact, be replacement wall. Construction on new and replacement wall commenced in 2019 in the Rio Grande Valley of Texas and San Diego. This October 2017 photograph taken in San Diego showcases some of the prototypes of Trump’s wall. These prototypes have since been demolished to make way for a federally funded wall.1  (Photo credit: Mani Albrecht, Customs Border Patrol)

    The wall has figured prominently in Trump’s most formative moments as a presidential candidate and now Commander-in-Chief. It took him no longer than two minutes in his announcement of his presidential bid to broach the threat of Mexico and the kinds of people crossing over. His solution to this problem, as revealed later in his speech, was a wall, but not just any wall. He boasted: “I will build a great wall—and nobody builds walls better than me, believe me—and I’ll build them very inexpensively. I will build a great, great wall on our southern border, and I will make Mexico pay for that wall. Mark my words.”1  His rhetoric about his monument is, to say the least, superlative. The rituals of his kind of (un)civil religion are a case in point.

    The Wall and Its Rituals

    The wall, like other instantiations of American civil religion, is upheld with rituals. Chief among these is the routine mantra “Build the Wall” that devotees at his rallies regularly chant with frenzied fervor. They chant this while wearing the red hats that spell out the (un)civil religion’s most notable doctrine, “Make America Great Again.” To make America great again, Trump and his base maintain that a wall must be built both to keep others out and to keep those within safe. He describes the implementation of these safeguards as his “sacred duty” and “sacred obligation.”1

    Trump’s address to the nation on January 8, 2019 (amid the government’s longest shutdown) focused on his campaign’s most noted promise: securing the border. In his rhetorical moves, Trump envisions himself as a protector or shepherd (dare I say, “pastor”) of the American people purportedly under a threat. The wall is of such importance to the protector Trump that, in early January 2019, he broached the possibility of declaring the “border crisis” a national emergency should Congress fail to fund his wall.2  A month later he declared the official “National Emergency Concerning the Southern Border in the United States.” The protector-pastor keeps close a cadre of “court Evangelicals” who hail him as a modern-day Nehemiah, the ancient Hebrew politician made famous for building a wall around Jerusalem. On the morning of his inauguration, Trump (like many presidents have done) partook in a private religious ceremony at St. John’s Episcopal church, a stone’s throw from the White House. In an unusual twist to the typical homilies delivered for such an occasion, the minister that morning Robert Jeffress pronounced that “God is not against building walls.”3  In a renewed wave of xenophobic (and contextually unsound) interpretation in early January 2019, Jeffress’s pronouncements crested in declaring that “[t]he Bible says even Heaven itself is going to have a wall around it.”4  Clearly, adherents of Trump’s (un)civil religion have ascribed biblical significance to Trump and his monument.

    Bellah maintained that “the theme of sacrifice was indelibly written into the civil religion.”5  Trump’s latest justification for immediate action to fund and build the wall especially concerns sacrifice. While Trump does not boast a role as Commander-in-Chief in memorable wars fought on American soil (e.g., the American Revolution or the Civil War) the border has become his battlefield. In his address to the nation on January 8, 2019, he cited the macabre details of recent deaths at the hands of “illegal alien(s).” Some of the Trump faithful have opined that the President in his televised address ought to have shown images of these victims who, they believe, would still be alive if the wall had been in place (a publicity move in keeping with Trump’s tactics).6  Other more strident supporters have produced images of the wall being built with the names of the victims on each panel. The devotion to the (un)civil religion led the president himself to “politicize the death” (a foul-play usually called on supporters of gun-control in wake of mass shootings) of California Police Corporal Ronil Singh, a Fijian immigrant himself shot by an undocumented Mexican. The gravity of the wall outweighs the typical and civil waiting period to politicize deaths. The devotees of the (un)civil religion see these lamentable and unfortunate deaths as clear clarion calls to sacrifice their own livelihood for the sake of seeing the wall materialize. Trump agrees. Following his address to the nation on January 8, Trump visited border sites in McAllen, Texas and declared that without the border there would be “death, a lot of death.”7  The wall then, functions as a titanic translocal tombstone that marks, remembers, and relentlessly politicizes the tragic deaths of those whose lives were cut short. Such sanguinary justifications are not altogether unfamiliar to the discourses surrounding civil religions. We are reminded that the Lost Cause operated as one that was “not dedicated to honoring the American nation;” on the contrary it was “a cult of the dead which dealt with essential religious concerns.”8  Trump promotes a kind of civil religion that Gorski describes as “American religious nationalism.”9  Moreover, the President’s brand of nationalism fits squarely within the conquest narratives that bolster his sense of nationhood. Given that the “conquest narratives” of nationalistic civil religion are fueled by stories of bloodshed and sacrifice, it should be little surprise to find that Trump appeals to blood so frequently in his justifications for border security, namely wall building.10 The loss of American lives frame his wall efforts as a struggle between a transcendent good and preventable evil, calling his supporters who are parents of the slain “Angel Parents.” While ignoring how the current walls have for decades now rerouted migrants further into the desert resulting in a “land of open graves” dotted with the bodies of over 3,000 deceased migrants, Trump assures that building the wall will stanch the (read: American) bloodshed, making the wall a monument of salvific power.11

    The fascination with the wall has also solidified in the form of monetary sacrifice. Wall believers have taken up an offering. Within two weeks of Trump’s January 8th speech on border security, supporters on the GoFundMe page “We the People Will Fund the Wall” raised over 20.5 million. Though the funds were not ultimately offered to the federal government, as of mid-July donations continue to pour in (now just over 25 million), making it the most lucrative campaign in the website’s history. Sacrificial giving for the monument ranges from a few dollars to $50,000 averaging well over $50 per donation.12  The frenzy generated across different media indeed demonstrates the spectacular power of ritual and rhetoric to mobilize offerings.

    The funding for the wall highlights how ritual authority (à la historian of religion Kathryn Lofton’s analysis) can be coopted by lay practitioners.13  A citizen’s group, We Build the Wall, completed nearly half a mile wall made of 18-feet high steel bollards in Sunland Park, New Mexico. Using the money generated from the aforementioned GoFundMe page, the group triumphs “We BUILT the Wall,” breathing life in the vitiated efforts of the federal government. To suggest that We Build the Wall has trumped up the effect of its effort is no exaggeration. Its leader and spokesperson Brian Kolfage claims:

    In this small section of border US Border Patrol public affairs office stated that over 1000 people cross each day on average, and over $200k-$300k worth of illegal drugs enter America. This is a vital smuggling route for the most ruthless cartel, the Juarez Cartel. Who murdered thousands of innocent civilians and journalist and trafficked sex slaves across our border. WE ARE STOPPING THEM NOW.14

    Moreover, Kolfage boasts that his team can complete the wall for a fraction of the cost and time that the government can. His invectives against the inefficiency of the federal government to mobilize wall building are no criticism of Trump himself. On the contrary, Kolfage glories at the fact that “[e]ven the New York Times had to report that President Trump gave our project his blessing.” 35  The religious elements of the language should not be understated. The ritual of wall offerings has been commensurate with the ritual of building, complete with a ribbon-cutting ceremony and continued fund raisers. Where officialdom has been unable to bring the project to fruition, lay practitioners have made the ritual gestures.

    This showdown in Sunland Park serves as a reminder that the wall packs much more symbolism than security. While the Mayor of Sunland Park brought the project to a halt on the grounds of technical building violations, New Mexico’s Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham has been among one of many to criticize the group’s effort. She claims that it neither aided in securing the border or alleviated the humanitarian crisis. Further, it does not appear to have been built at a high priority site, again showing how this wall functions more as a symbol to display division.36

    People stand and clap as confetti falls on a stage with a cut ribbon and sign that reads, "WE BUILD THE WALL." A young, light skinned boy and a man in a wheelchair are among the celebrants.

    We Build the Wall founder, Brian Kolfage is pictured here at the ribbon-cutting ceremony of his organization’s privately funded wall in Sunland Park, New Mexico. Never critical of Trump, the group has bypassed the federal government’s gridlock. In reality, however, Trump has already erected more brand-new and replacement wall than We Build the Wall has, sans the jubilation as captured here in this photograph. (Photo credit: Ivan Pierre Aguirre for The Texas Tribune.)

    The Wall and Its Aesthetics

    As among the busiest and most contrasting international border, the U.S.-Mexico border constitutes a “hyperborder.”1  As such it merits considerable attention and imagination complete with its own set of aesthetics.

    While the wall itself may not appear to be a religious object, it is nevertheless a canvas onto which civic groups and political interests may inscribe volumes of religious meaning. Just as in the South where the industrialization of rural towns did the “civil religious task of inscribing sacred meaning onto physical structures,” so, too, do Trump and his base carry out a similar task with respect to the wall.2  Lofton provokes us to consider a host of objects that are not religious in and of themselves but are “critical object[s] in the sensorium of modern religious experience.”3  The wall, as a prominent object in popular culture owing in large part to Trump’s advocacy, constitutes one of the most divisive debates in contemporary American discourses.

    Trump’s (un)civil religion, complete with an imagined wall, rituals, and rhetoric, has also assumed an aesthetic dimension. We can indeed “describe civil religion in terms of particular feelings and sensations,” as art historian and scholar of religion David Morgan has prodded scholars to do.4  We Build the Wall relies heavily on images of Trump, claiming the imprimatur of their work being “Trump Approved.” Let us not forget the initial aesthetic of Trump and the wall, as the first time he donned in public a “Make America Great Again” cap was at his campaign announcement, which he made in Laredo about building a wall. (His message subsequently won him the support of the Border Patrol agent union, the first union in America to support him.)5 Nor should we ignore how Trump revels in how others manifest the sentiments of wall devotion through dress. At a Pennsylvania re-election rally in May of this year, Trump invited to the stage a man from San Diego adorned in a brick-wall suit and tie and red “Make America Great Again” hat. The Build the Wall organization operates on similar energy, further borrowing the Trump brand by reeling in the support of Steven Bannon, his former Special Assistant, to participate in “Wall-A-Thon” live-streamed fundraising events.6  Red, white, and blue color much of the merchandise (e.g., shirts, hats, coffee mugs, clocks, and phone cases). The terms “We Build the Wall” as well as Trump’s image and the group’s logo of a brick wall in construction form recognizable visual cues, revealing the discursive affinity between Trump, the wall, and nationalism. Donors who contribute in amounts between $100 to $1,000 can choose to have their personal or company’s name etched onto a brick or bollards.43  We are only left to wonder what messages supporters would inscribe onto portions of the gifted wall if they were allowed to do so.

    We Build the Wall promulgates its mission by deploying the rhetoric and imagery of the colors of American Patriotism and militarism in strategic ways. The “military-grade coffee” available for sale on its website awakens one to a larger reality of the militaristic moods taken on by supporters, guards on site, and the leadership team (many of whom boast years of extensive military experience). The aesthetics of the border wall send clear marching orders to its rank-and-file: there is an enemy (those entering through Mexico) and a warzone (the border). Such defining (that is, through opposition) is not altogether beyond the norm of civil religion. Islamic Studies scholar Ebrahim Moosa reminds us how “Bellah’s civil religion finds its genealogy in a discourse of alterity; that is, with reference to those things to which American was opposed: British colonialism, slavery, and its cold war adversaries.”44  (We may very well add Muslims to this list in the post 9/11 hysteria, a frenzied fire that Trump further fueled with the declaration of the so-called Muslim Travel Ban.) Trump’s decision to send 5,600 troops to the border in fall 2018 as part of Operation Faithful Patriot made the border a bona fide battle.45  Furthermore, the national emergency at the border he declared in mid-February 2019 turned the entire nation’s attention to the conflict zone. From July to August 2019, the Trump administration approved of an increase in the number of U.S. military personnel and the deployment of predator drones, all in hopes of keeping troops and equipment at the border until September 2020. Approximately 5,000 service members remain at the border to reinforce the numerous quasi-military styled Customs and Border Patrol officials and the armed-civilian militia groups; but, with an estimated 2,100 more to be sent in late summer, the boots on the ground are likely to reach an all-time high at the border.46  Mere snapshots of the building and guarding of the wall display it as an object of full-throttled fusion of militarism and patriotism.

    Soldiers in fatigues gather around a horizontal coil of silver wire with barbs. They role it towards a rust-colored section of wall.

    Engineers from the 937th Clearance Company, pictured above, install concertina wire on the border in Arizona. The presence of citizen-led wall building campaigns, civilian militia groups, the personnel of the various agencies tasked with protecting the border and deporting the undocumented, and now the U.S. military, cements the fusion of a militarized-patriotic aesthetic into the popular imagination of the wall. (Photo: Corey Maisch, U.S. Army)

    Grandiose gestures are the performative foundation of monument making in any manifestation of American civil religion. The business of the border wall, like most of Trump’s undertakings, is big. Border protection is a massive industry. “We spend more already on border and immigration protection than the combined budget of the FBI, the ATF, the U.S. Marshals, the Secret Service, and the entire budget of the NYPD,” calculated historian Garrett Graff.1  If Trump could have it his way, the wall would cover nearly 2,000 miles and range in height. In 2015, he commented on why and how he is especially fit to deliver the “Trump wall”:

    “I will build the greatest wall that you've ever seen … I'm a great builder. What do I best in life, I build. Your infrastructure is crumbling. Isn't it nice to have a builder? A real builder. So you take precast plank. It comes 30 feet long, 40 feet long, 50 feet long. You see the highways where they can span 50, 60 feet, even longer than that, right? And do you a beautiful nice precast plank with beautiful everything. Just perfect. I want it to be so beautiful because maybe someday they'll call it The Trump Wall. Maybe. So I have to make sure it's beautiful, right? I'll be very proud of that wall. If they call at this The Trump Wall, it has to be beautiful.”2

    Depending on its design, the wall could cost anywhere between 8 to 70 billion dollars.3  Realizing the infeasibility of this, he has moderated his proposal to something that still is not quite so modest. Most of the wall currently under construction stands no higher than 18 feet, but this may only be the beginning of something much bigger. Trump’s national emergency called for 8 billion dollars to be redirected from other projects and funneled into his wall. Plaintiffs in Sierra Club and Southern Border Communities Coalition v Trump seek to delay or altogether halt further construction. Lawyers in the case cited the misuse of funds within Trump’s proposal, as section 8005 of the Department of Defense Appropriation Act of 2019 only allows transfers of funds for “unforeseen military requirements” (such as when the military is brought in to provide aid for catastrophic weather events). Trump and wall supporters then assert that the crisis at the border is tantamount to an unforeseen military requirement. The Supreme Court’s July 26, 2019 5-4 ruling allows for the Trump administration to use up to 2.5 billion dollars to fund the wall while litigation continues. Upon receiving word of the ruling, Trump tweeted: “Wow! Big VICTORY on the Wall. The United States Supreme Court overturns lower court injunction, allows Southern Border Wall to proceed. Big WIN for Border Security and the Rule of Law!”4  While the ruling is only temporary and his tweet perhaps overstated, the ruling represents his administration’s furthest progress into wall building.5  Such celebration is necessary to sustain the energy of Trump’s (un)civil religion and the sacred duty that call him to fund and build the wall.

    • 1
      Terry Gross interview with Garrett Graff.
    • 2
      Ian Schwartz, “Trump on Border: ‘Maybe They’ll Call It the Trump Wall,’” RealClearPolitics, August 19, 2015, http://hdl.handle.net/10079/65930227-010c-430d-be96-b7c53a215600
    • 3
      Mark Niquette, “About the Wall that Trump Said Mexico Would Be Paying for,” The Washington Post, https://perma.cc/B9NM-LJG4. On the estimate of $70 billion made by the U.S. Senate, see, “U.S. Senate Report: Wall Could Soar Toward $70 Billion,” U.S. Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, April 18, 2017, https://perma.cc/MPA2-H7M8
    • 4
      Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump), “Wow! Big VICTORY on the Wall. The United States Supreme Court Overturns Lower Court Injunction, Allows Southern Border Wall to Proceed. Big WIN for Border Security and the Rule of Law!” Tweet, July 26, 2019, https://perma.cc/KB5U-ZH4R
    • 5
      Dror Ladin, “Supreme Court Order No ‘Big Victory’ for Trump’s Border Wall. The Fight Continues,” American Civil Liberties Union, July 29 2019, https://perma.cc/998R-RWM5

    (In)Conclusion

    Sacred duty also summons others to resist efforts to build the wall. While detractors of the wall would perhaps argue that Trump’s (un)civil religion is characterized by “unworthy causes,” almost all can fairly observe how it’s a “deeply divided” partisan issue of civil religion. Sacred sites are at the center of disputes regarding the proposed routes of the wall. Leaders of the Tohono O’odam Nation bucked at Trump’s intention to build a 75-mile wall that would cut clear across their sovereign land and sacred sites.1  Rev. Roy Snipes of La Lomita Chapel believes that the prospect of building the wall is “meant to intimidate people from the other side who might want to come across.”2  Snipes’s church stands on a site to be divided and handed over to the control of the Border Patrol according to recent wall plans. The disputes surrounding the building of the wall underscore vital elements of sacred space, namely that is “contested space.”3  Taking a similar posture of resistance, Ronald Rael and numerous artists have proposed designs that will transform the wall from a dystopian space of terror and intimidation into a utopian place of collaboration and flourishing.4  Well before Trump’s election, Rael realized the inevitability of the construction of some kind of wall and this occasioned him to convene architects and artists to reimagine what the wall could be: a cactus wall, library wall, solar panel wall, or burrito wall where people can share meals. In late July we saw one such wall come to fruition in the installation of the “Teeter-totter Wall” on the border between Ciudad Juarez and El Paso.5  Sacralization of space through the wall is incarnated in the Communion wall, a binational ritual of the Lord’s Supper offered at San Diego’s Friendship Park by Rev. John Fanestil of the United Methodist Church.6  We have yet to see the variegated ways that sacred meaning will be imputed onto and despite the imagined wall that Trump has now started to build.

    We don’t know how exactly the wall will play out, but we do know that Trump will be inextricably linked to the wall, his monument. A “big” wall that demonstrates Trump’s role as protector and that honors sacrifices seems appropriate for the nation’s leader who regularly alludes to others naming him among the greatest presidents ever. He himself declared, “Nobody’s ever done a better job than I’m doing as president.”7  It only seems appropriate that his own monument would outsize those of the “greats,” such as Washington and Lincoln who are indelibly enshrined in America’s civil religion.

    If civil religion was meant to unify the populace in support of their government, this effort to build a wall and protect it at all costs—even the cost of the unity of the people—should behoove us to conceptualize of Trump’s brand of civil religion as uncivil religion. Trump’s type of civil religion, specifically his wall monument, has proven to dramatically divide the country (and not to mention the North American continent, literally). Should the wall be built, few will forget that it is “Trump’s Wall.” As for his reputation as the greatest president of American (un)civil religion, the writing (to borrow from another biblical story) is already on the wall.

    • 1
      Molly Hennessey-Fiske, “Arizona Tribe Refuses Trump’s Wall, But Agrees to Let Border Patrol Build Virtual Barrier,” LA Times, May 9, 2019, https://perma.cc/3GPT-7G2F
    • 2
      Jeremy Raff, “The Chapel at the Border,” The Atlantic, February 24, 2019, https://perma.cc/D8NU-BCDA
    • 3
      David Chidester and Edward T. Linenthal, “Introduction,” in American Sacred Space, eds. David Chidester and Edward T. Linenthal (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press), 15-20.
    • 4
      Ronald Rael, Borderwall as Architecture: A Manifesto for the U.S.-Mexico Boundary (University of California Press, 2017).
    • 5
      Eli Rosenberg, “Two Artists Built Seesaws across the U.S.-Mexico Border: Then the Video of Kids Playing on Them Went Viral,” The Washington Post, July 30, 2019, https://perma.cc/5EKB-MM3T
    • 6
      “Joining Families at the Border: Rev. John Fanestil,” https://perma.cc/FU6M-643D
    • 7
      Philip Bump, “Trump: Nobody’s Ever Done a Better Job than I’m Doing as President,” The Washington Post, September 4, 2018, https://perma.cc/7FQU-LL5X

    About the Author

    Lloyd Barba is an assistant professor of Religion at Amherst College and core faculty in Latinx and Latin American Studies. His book, Sowing the Sacred (under contract with Oxford University Press), renders a history of Mexican Pentecostals, race, and sacred space in the context of migrant labor in California's agricultural industry from 1916 to 1966. He currently serves as the co-chair of the History of Christianity unit of the American Academy of Religion.

    Notes

      Imprint

      Author Lloyd Barba
      Year 2019
      Type Mediations
      Volume Volume 3: Issue 1
      Copyright © Lloyd Barba
      Downloads PDF
      DOI

      10.22332/mav.med.2019.1

      Citation Guide

      1. Lloyd D. Barba, "Trump’s Wall: A Monument of (Un)Civil Religion?" Mediation, MAVCOR Journal 3, no. 1 (2019), doi:10.22332/mav.med.2019.1

      Barba, Lloyd D. "Trump’s Wall: A Monument of (Un)Civil Religion?" Mediation. MAVCOR Journal 3, no. 1 (2019). doi:10.22332/mav.med.2019.1